Bringing Myanmar’s Rohingya back from brink of radicalisation
Some serious fake news here, be warned. But do read on:
The rattle of gunfire woke a Rohingya man on the morning of October 9 in his hometown of Wa Peik, a dusty hamlet of Kyee Kan Pyin village in a remote corner of Myanmar’s Rakhine state. “We were very scared,” he told me on the Bangladesh border. “All we could hear was yelling and gunfire.”
“Scared” Mohammedans. The world is full of them. Unless they have the upper hand. Then they are not scared at all.
Several hundred ethnic Rohingya men and boys had attacked the local police headquarters. Rohingya militants simultaneously targeted two other police posts in the state. In total they killed nine policemen and wounded five, according to the government.
Not a bad effort for a bunch of “scared” soldiers of allah, is it?
Myanmar’s army responded with brutal efficiency, rolling into Wa Peik in six vehicles, weapons at the ready. “When the soldiers entered the village, they started shooting,” the man recalled. “I saw them shoot at people as they fled.”
Now comes the lies and the bleeding hearts BS for which the journaille gets paid by Soros and the Arabs:
Since December, my colleagues and I at Fortify Rights, a human rights organisation based in Southeast Asia, conducted more than 70 in-depth interviews with Rohingya eyewitnesses and survivors from Maungdaw township, where the army has been conducting “clearance operations” in response to the October attack.
Our findings are horrific. Soldiers raped Rohingya women and girls, razed entire villages and killed unarmed civilians with abandon. State security forces slit men’s throats and burned people alive, in some cases killing children and infants.
What a lying POS! No evidence whatsoever, he takes Muslim lies at face value. This is not Buddhist behaviour, this is typical Mohammedan projection, ascribing to the Buddhists what they do when they go on jihad. (SY)
A 25-year-old widowed Rohingya mother witnessed soldiers shoot and kill her seven-year-old son in Sali Parang, a village also known as Myau Taung. She then watched a soldier slit her husband’s throat before burning both bodies in their home. “I saw when my son was shot,” she told me. “He was running to his father.”
Again, just a story made up for a fly-in, fly-out journo from New York.
Men and boys who survived attacks on several villages in Maungdaw township were arrested en masse. They have not been heard from since.
Such atrocities aren’t new to the Rohingyas. Denied citizenship since 1982, they have suffered wave after wave of attacks. The last episode was in 2012, when tit-for-tat violence between Buddhists and Muslims escalated into state-sponsored assaults on Rohingyas throughout Rakhine state.
I arrived on the scene shortly after the attacks began. Entire villages were razed. To this day the government confines 120,000 Rohingya survivors of those attacks to more than 40 internment camps, in what amounts to a situation of mass arbitrary detention.
Who pays this punk for his selective sympathy piece for the “Rohingya” who are nothing but Bengali invaders in Burma?
The Trump administration has not determined its policy toward Myanmar. But there are indications officials understand that the country doesn’t represent the foreign-policy success story previously claimed by president Barack Obama.
“Success story?” Name one!
In a written response to a question about the Rohingya from senator Ben Cardin of the Senate foreign relations committee, US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson correctly warned that the mistreatment of Rohingya in Myanmar “threatens to radicalise a generation of young Rohingya”. Tillerson called upon the US “to support regional and international efforts to investigate abuses and pressure the Burmese (Myanmar) government and military”.
Islam is as radical as the Muslim who takes his religion seriously. Nothing to do with mistreatment or grievance mongering.
A UN-mandated commission of inquiry would do just that. When the UN Human Rights Council meets next month in Geneva, it should pass a resolution mandating a commission of inquiry into possible violations of international criminal law in Rakhine state.
There is already explicit high-level support for such an initiative. “There must be at least a commission of inquiry, if not more,” said UN human rights chief Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein this month, suggesting also a possible referral to the International Criminal Court. Zeid was responding to a damning UN report released on February 3 documenting “widespread human rights violations against the Rohingya population”, including “mass gang-rape” and killings “of babies and young children”.
A Muslim Brother from Jordan is the UN human rights top dog. Scandalous. All of these claims are fake news.
The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, also said she would call for an inquiry when she reports to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on March 13. This echoes 40 Myanmar-based civil-society organisations that called last month for a “truly independent” international investigation — an unexpected domestic rebuke to the government.
Commissions of inquiry aren’t unusual. Various UN bodies have established them over the years in response to human-rights violations in places such as Burundi, North Korea and Syria. They play a vital role in establishing the facts, identifying perpetrators with a view to ensuring accountability and stemming violations.
A UN commission would focus attention where it belongs — on the military and state security forces. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s callous inaction and shameful propaganda campaign denying abuses against Rohingya — alleging “fake rape” while suggesting Rohingya burned down their own homes — shouldn’t get a pass. But the commission should expose the extent to which the military continues to dominate the elected government.
Some diplomats and UN member states are hesitant to establish a commission of inquiry lest it destabilise Myanmar. That’s an understandable concern.
But allowing atrocities to continue unpunished would be even more destabilising for Myanmar and the region.
Matthew Smith is co-founder and chief executive officer at Fortify Rights
The Wall Street Journal